Cover Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim voting with his wife, Wan Azizah binti Wan Ismail (Photo: Twitter/@anwaribrahim)
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim voting with his wife, Wan Azizah binti Wan Ismail (Photo: Twitter/@anwaribrahim)
1 / 1
In the aftermath of the 2023 Malaysian state elections, a nuanced picture of the country’s political landscape has emerged
As many have expected, the recent state election results maintained the status quo, with Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional maintaining power over three states—Selangor, Penang, and Negeri Sembilan. These states, crucial in their economic and political significance, reaffirmed the coalition’s popularity. Simultaneously, Perikatan Nasional, an opposition bloc led by former Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, continued consolidating its presence by retaining control over Terengganu, Kedah and Kelantan, making substantial inroads among the majority ethnic-Malay Muslim population. Although these state elections did not directly impact Anwar’s parliamentary majority, they were widely interpreted as a referendum on his nine-month-old coalition government’s performance and acceptance.
Above Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim at a campaign rally (Photo: Twitter/@anwaribrahim)
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim at a campaign rally (Photo: Twitter/@anwaribrahim)
1 / 1
A critical factor that many were looking at was the youth vote and how they would cast their ballots. Jason Wee, co-founder of Architects of Diversity Malaysia and Tatler Gen.T honouree, said it was difficult to make a specific conclusion, “The youth are not a homogenous group, so it’s difficult to group everyone’s opinion. However, almost all the youth I’ve spoken to are relieved that the non-stop cycle of elections is ending, at least for three years.” Another Tatler Gen.T honouree, Qyira Yusri, who is the co-founder of UNDI18 and a consultant with Asia Group Advisors, felt the voter turnout was positive, “There's an average of over 70 per cent turnout across all demographics, so I'd say it's a good indicator of youth’s interest in politics.”
Above Jason Wee, co-founder and executive director, Architects of Diversity Malaysia
Jason Wee, co-founder and executive director, Architects of Diversity Malaysia
1 / 1
But drilling down on the voting patterns of the general population showed a murkier picture. “The vote overall shows a further polarised Malaysian public. This sets the stage for the next general election where government performance and identity politics will take centre stage,” opines Ibrahim Suffian, programme director of the Merdeka Center for Opinion Research (Merdeka Center), a leading public opinion polling and political surveys organisation.
“The results show that Malay voters are unfazed by Datuk Seri Anwar’s rhetoric on unity and are impatient to see economic issues be addressed. He will face the remainder of this term having strong Malay opposition whilst having a weak ally in UMNO on his side. He has a choice of trying to mollify the crowd by dialling down fiscal reforms or take the bitter pill of reforms that may further enrage them but may aid stronger economic recovery in the long term,” comments Ibrahim on how this election served as a litmus test for the current government.
See also: Suriani Kempe and Rekha Sen welcome Malaysian Cabinet's decision to push for change on citizenship
Above Dr James Chin, a political commentator and Professor of Asian Studies at the University of Tasmania
Dr James Chin, a political commentator and Professor of Asian Studies at the University of Tasmania
1 / 1
Professor James Chin, a political commentator and Professor of Asian Studies at the University of Tasmania, suggests that the short timeframe since Anwar’s assumption of leadership might have hindered significant shifts in public opinion, “What the voting pattern tells me is that eight months is too short of a time to change anyone’s view. The only difference you can attach is that those people who voted for Barisan Nasional and didn’t want UMNO to work with DAP transferred their vote to Perikatan-depending on what seat you’re talking about.”
“I think it might make sense to look at the popular votes rather than purely the electoral seats won. The popular vote was neck-and-neck, 49.5 per cent vs 49.3 per cent, respectively. I’d say it’s a signal that either people can’t tolerate the unity coalition or are unconvinced with what they have to offer,” adds Qyira.
Above Qyira Yusri, Tatler Gen.T honouree, cofounder of Undi18 and consultant with Asia Group Advisors
Qyira Yusri, Tatler Gen.T honouree, cofounder of Undi18 and consultant with Asia Group Advisors
1 / 1
As for the third voice, which youth-based party MUDA, led by former Youth and Sports Minister Syed Saddiq, was aiming to be, the results could have been better, with all their contested candidates failing to win many votes. “I think these results clearly demonstrate a rejection of MUDA’s viability as a third force, and bipartisan politics is here to stay for at least the time being,” says Wee. Chin agrees, “Currently, the Malaysian electorate is not ready for a third voice; it’s a two-horse race. The only mistake they (MUDA) made was that they couldn’t find a deal with Datuk Seri Anwar, and they’re being blamed for splitting the votes.”
For Qyira, she feels that MUDA still has a long way to go in order to gain public trust from the public, “With our first-past-the-post system, MUDA and any other small parties without the backing of a major coalition will struggle to gain inroads and gain electoral seats.”
Don't miss: GE15: 5 things that will make Malaysia’s 2022 elections different
Above Ibrahim Suffian, Programme Director, Merdeka Center for Opinion Research
Ibrahim Suffian, Programme Director, Merdeka Center for Opinion Research
1 / 1
While the results of the election have no direct impact on Anwar’s two-thirds majority in parliament, Ibrahim cautions of heightened politicking and dissent within UMNO, forcing the government to address economic concerns, “If they stay firm, they can focus on addressing the issue of the economy and for UMNO to revamp itself.” This sentiment is echoed by Chin, who foresees a tough road ahead for Anwar but outlines some options, “One, of course is that you reform UMNO, but the problem is that it is tough to find a new leader for the UMNO. The second is that you can become more pro-Malay, which is very dangerous because you’ll alienate the non-Malays who supported you. The third is that you double down and push through all the reforms so that by two or three years from now, when it’s time for general elections, people will remember all that you did and support you.”
For Wee, he’s just glad that business will slowly return to normal, “For many of us on the ground, we’re relieved that we can resume ‘business as usual’ without political stakeholders worried about the impact of their behaviour on elections. I think the affirmation of the current government’s position in Selangor, Penang and Negeri Sembilan provides a sufficient mandate to continue on the path they set out from GE15.”
Topics
Sim Wie Boon is the general manager of Tatler Malaysia. Previously the print and digital editor, Sim hails from the land of the hornbills, Sarawak. Sim is now based in Kuala Lumpur and brings more than a decade of experience in the media industry as a journalist and broadcast producer.
As a self-proclaimed geriatric millennial, he appreciates the finer things in life, from savouring a sip of single malt whisky to relishing in the deliciousness of char siew. While reminiscing about the indie-sleaze era, Sim now finds solace in the soothing tunes of ambient music, staying active through running and occasionally succumbing to the addictive world of doom scrolling.
Follow him on Instagram or Threads at @simwb
