Cover Introduction to Political Philosophy author Jonathan Wolff

When I first came across political philosophy, I imagined it to be a barren field, weighed down with jargon and metaphysical puzzles. Yet only a few pages into Introduction to Political Philosophy by Professor Jonathan Wolff of Oxford, I realised how mistaken that assumption had been.

Professor Jonathan Wolff is Professor of Values and Public Policy at the Blavatnik School of Government, University of Oxford, and currently serves as President of the Royal Institute of Philosophy.

Marking the Vietnamese translation of his Introduction to Political Philosophy, Professor Wolff will give two public lectures and hold book launches at Vietnam National University, Hanoi, and at the Fulbright School of Public Policy and Management.

Although written as an introduction, this is not a book aimed only at students or academics. It addresses the most elemental of questions, one that almost everyone has asked at some point: how do we live together?

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Political philosophy is nobody else’s business

Political philosophy is not remote, nor confined to scholars. One summer afternoon in London, I spoke with Professor Wolff before his visit to Vietnam. “The core question of political philosophy,” he said, “is how can we live together?” Ethics may ask, “How should I treat others?”, but political philosophy ventures further: “How should we, with all our differences, coexist?”

From the first pages of Introduction to Political Philosophy, I paused over the opening line: “Someone once said that in political philosophy there are only two questions: ‘Who gets what?’ and ‘Who gets to decide it?’ It sounds a bit inadequate, but it is close enough to start here.” (p. 1). A remark at once witty and sharp, and a key to the largest questions of society.

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photo (c) John Cairns
Above Introduction to Political Philosophy author Jonathan Wolff
photo (c) John Cairns

Many regard political philosophy as something far removed from daily life. Professor Wolff explains why that perception is misleading.

We should all, he argues, take an interest in political philosophy for at least two reasons. First, you may not be free to live as you wish, restricted in speech, assembly, or career choice. Then you must ask: why? Second, politics cannot be evaded. Whether you are attentive or indifferent, decisions taken in the political sphere shape everyday life. One may choose to take part or not, but one cannot truly stand outside.

Political philosophy will not hand you solutions, but it will sharpen the questions and give you the confidence to find your own voice.

The eternal questions?

Jonathan Wolff’s Introduction to Political Philosophy is not a chronology of ideas, but an invitation to join the long-running arguments about human coexistence. Rather than tracing each thinker in turn, he organises them around great questions, so that Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Mill, Marx, Rawls and others can debate, sometimes even within the same page.

He begins with what seems a simple question: what would happen without government? This is no mere thought experiment, but the ground from which reflection on the state begins. Hobbes saw an anarchic existence: “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.” Locke placed greater faith in human reason, while Rousseau insisted that it was society itself that corrupted man. These divergent views reveal something essential: our imagined “state of nature” shapes how we conceive power, freedom, and justice.

From there comes the next question: if government exists, why should we obey? Wolff outlines three classic arguments: because we have “tacitly agreed” (Locke), because it promotes the greatest happiness (Bentham), or because we enjoy order and owe a duty in return. Yet each is challenged: is the happiness of the many sufficient to justify the pain of the few? And if some have never consented to the “social contract”, can the state still claim authority?

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Above From left to right: translator Nguyen Tue Anh, author Jonathan Wolff, translator Nguyen Hoang Phuc

Not stopping there, Wolff pressed on with another question: who should hold power? He turned to Plato’s enduring image, a ship steered by unskilled sailors while those who know how to navigate are pushed aside, to cast doubt on democracy. Yet modern voices like Mill insist that democracy is not only about competence, but also about the right to self-determination. This leaves a host of unresolved questions: does representative democracy truly reflect its people? Is the majority always right? And does the minority still retain a voice?

Another central theme is the limit of personal freedom. Drawing on Mill’s principle that liberty should only be curbed to prevent harm to others, Professor Wolff guides readers through questions of speech, morality, and privacy. He shows that the boundary between “liberty” and “harm” is rarely so clear.

The next question turns to the distribution of wealth. Rather than endorsing one view, Professor Wolff opens the stage to multiple perspectives: Rawls, who argues that inequality is only justifiable if it benefits the disadvantaged; Nozick, who defends absolute property rights; and Marx, who sees injustice in private ownership itself. For Wolff, justice is not merely about division; it hinges on who writes the rules of the game.

In his closing chapter, lofty debates become immediate concerns: what duty does a citizen in a wealthy nation owe to the poor beyond its borders? Should justice stop at national frontiers? In an age of inequality, climate crisis, and mass migration, political philosophy is no relic of the past. It is a way to read the fractures of the present.

Throughout, Professor Wolff resists giving final answers. He lays out arguments, counters them, and invites his readers to think alongside him.

Ideal citizen model?

We stood in the courtyard of University College London, where Jonathan Wolff once lectured and wrote much of this book. Before us was a sight familiar to all UCL visitors: the glass case housing the embalmed figure of Jeremy Bentham, the visionary who founded utilitarianism. Bentham’s idea of a state designed to maximise happiness continues to echo through political thought.

“In your book, you speak much about the role of the state. But what of citizens? Who is the ideal citizen?” I asked. Wolff laughed, recalling a story from his childhood: in Switzerland, people were said to take turns collecting rubbish so that everyone would understand the burdens of others. “I once thought that was the perfect society,” he said. “Later I found it was only a legend. But it conjures a compelling image: citizens who obey not only because of the law, but because they care for one another.”

Perhaps the ideal citizen need not master every political theory. What matters more is the habit of pausing to ask: who is affected by my actions?

Translating this book, I never felt alone. It was as if I were seated in a conversation spanning 2,500 years with Plato, Locke, Mill, Marx, Rawls, and now with you, about to enter these pages. This is not a manual for quick answers, but an invitation to slow down and reflect, seriously and sincerely, on how we live together.